The Tribune/ by Rajiv Bhatia*
Moscow projects ties with China as ‘a role model’ for neighbourhood relations. With very limited knowledge of Russian history, literature, art and music, we in India can hardly understand what ticks ‘the new Russia’ today. This must change.
Between the 1950s and the 1980s the Soviet Union was India’s closest partner and friend, the only major country with which we had a friendship treaty. Its signing in 1971 was seen as diminishing our non-alignment, but it afforded us strategic protection against the US and allowed us to play a role in the emergence of Bangladesh.
fter the disintegration of the USSR or the Soviet Union in 1991, Russia’s foreign policy went through a major transformation as Moscow turned westwards.
A decade later, with V. Putin as the President, Russians resumed investing in relations with old friends, a policy he is pushing hard following his return to the presidency in May 2012. India too has begun to realise that in dealing with other major powers — the US, China, the EU and Japan, its ‘privileged’ partnership with Russia is of considerable value.
In the above backdrop, I had the opportunity to lead an Indian Council of World Affairs delegation, composed of scholars and experts, to Russia last month. While interacting with leading foreign policy intellectuals from MGIMO University, Russian International Affairs Council and St. Petersburg University, we held comprehensive discussions on international, regional and bilateral issues. The central idea was to address the sense of mutual neglect and ‘stagnation’ that seemed to mark the relationship, and to craft the ways to eliminate them.
National identity
Our higher education, conceived in the colonial era, is a handicap in our understanding countries such as Russia, China and Japan which do not speak English. Victories of Napoleon and his defeat by a military coalition led by the Duke of Wellington at Waterloo are well known to us. But his disastrous campaign against Russia in 1812, which heralded his downfall, is underplayed. Likewise, Adolf Hitler’s attack on the Soviet Union in 1941, long siege of St Petersburg, the battle for Moscow and estimated loss of 27 million Russians in WW II, are much less known. By celebrating historic triumphs over Napoleon and Hitler in museums, monuments, music and literature, Russia has built up its national identity through generations.
Yet, today’s Russia is a nation without ideology. During much of the 20th century, its ideology was communism; the Communist Party was its church; and general secretary was the high priest tending the vast empire. Then came democracy, the return of religion and the opening up of the economy. Oligarchs, corruption and crime followed. Consumerism and the cult of money drive the young generation now. Older people, however, miss stability and security of the Soviet era, apart from immense prestige the nation enjoyed as a super power. No one misses excesses of the authoritarian regime. A government official in St Petersburg told me what she enjoyed most was ‘the freedom to travel’ and possibly to speak and think, not to mention freedom from being trailed by a KGB sedan.
Many of us grew up savouring the works of Tolstoy, Dostoyevsky, Gorky and Pasternak. Perhaps they are not familiar names to our youth today, but they should be. Gazing at the statue of Pushkin and wife Natalya Goncharova (proclaimed by the Czar’s court as the most beautiful woman in Russia) and enjoying an exceptional evening of ballet Swan Lake at Mariinsky theatre were the highlights of our cultural immersion.
Two days on the campus of a premier university in Moscow served as a window on changing mores. The air was charged with energy and dynamism. Youth dressed well, especially young women who all looked pretty and trim. When I walked in the corridors with the Rector, he was shown respect but there was no kowtowing. Inside the conference room, the quality of academic work was high. The university evidently had ample resources. But access control reminded me of the communist era. Despite being honoured guests, we were stopped on both days by security which allowed our entry after several telephone calls.
Russians are emotional and superstitious people, like us. An eminent resident of Moscow, welcoming us to his majestic home, shook hands only after I entered the lobby. Touching a guest at the threshold is considered ‘a bad omen here,’ he explained.
India-Russia relations
Russian scholars explained to us that in their worldview India ranked very high, only next to the US and China. They believed that the three countries – US, China and India – would mould the world politics. Russia has developed close economic relations with the EU, resulting in the latter’s growing dependence on Russia’s hydrocarbons, but US-Russia relationship remains mired in serious difficulties and trust deficit.
Once upon a time, the US and the USSR were equals, the only two super powers, but now the gap in economic, technological and military strength has widened. This has driven Russia to develop a deep relationship with China. Against Russia’s export of oil, gas, arms and military technology, China is able to supply capital and products needed by Russia. Besides, there is formidable convergence on strategic issues as they both share an anti-West perspective. Moscow projects ties with China as ‘a role model’ for neighbourhood relations.
The Russian approach creates both challenges and opportunities for India. The former has found powerful friends in the new regional grouping – BRICS. Moscow believes that the emerging economies – China, India, Brazil and South Africa – together with Russia, can write a new script for global drama, independent of the West. India remains unconvinced. Although supporting BRICS to attain more influence, New Delhi has to ensure that it does not become a platform for dominance by one country.
Our discussions revealed a substantive degree of convergence with Russians on many contemporary issues such as Syria, Afghanistan, Central Asia and Asia-Pacific. However, officials and policymakers need to take the process forward and develop a common plan so that mutually beneficial actions are taken by the two governments on a long-term basis.
Regarding bilateral issues, it needs to be appreciated that Russia-India relations in several domains such as energy, civil nuclear cooperation, defence, space, science and technology are imbued with substance and have been growing well. Political and diplomatic relations continue to progress excellently. But weaknesses of the relationship pertain to two specific sectors. Bilateral trade has been growing very slowly as India Inc. has not been persuaded about the desirability of increasing its footprint in the Russian market. Besides, people-to-people interaction and cultural cooperation need expansion and diversification.
A war between museums
For achieving the latter goal, we need to study and learn more about Russian society. While observing the country closely, I heard about two interesting ‘wars’: a war between museums and a new ‘cold war.’ Museums involved were Pushkin in Moscow and Hermitage in St Petersburg. Stalin, given to dismiss all art as ‘bourgeois’, had little liking for museums. So, treasures of Pushkin state museum found shelter in St. Petersburg’s Hermitage museum, turning it into a world-class facility. We visited both museums and noted the striking contrast. Pushkin’s director has now launched a drive for getting old treasures back, but Hermitage opposes it. The Kremlin has been caught right in the middle and was sticking to studied neutrality.
‘Cold war’ referred to the Russian government’s ambitious plans to accelerate economic development of the Far East, the underdeveloped region east of the Ural Mountains. Russia needs huge investments, but the economy is not doing well. China is zealous in sending capital but also its people. One of the Russian nightmares is a large-scale migration of Chinese people into the less inhabited Far East. At our conference in Moscow, a Russian scholar spoke knowledgeably about the contribution of the Indian diaspora towards deepening India-US relations. He opined that controlled immigration of educated workforce from India would be welcome, both for its economic and political benefits.
A double-headed eagle, looking to the West and the East, symbolises the country’s worldview. The Russian elite may see their nation as essentially European, but ‘Mother Russia’ would be incomplete without its Pacific and Asian dimensions. Many influential Russians feel that India has neglected its friendship with their country due to its engagement with ‘new friends.’ It is desirable and possible for India to maintain close relations with both Russia and the West. Governments are doing what they can, but civil society and the business sector should help them.
A former Ambassador, the writer is the Director General of the Indian Council of World Affairs.
(The article reflects the personal views of the writer)
This article can also be read at:
Changing Russia a challenge for India
