Second. In Ukraine, there is a sizeable Greek community which is suffering. It is critical to declare the Hellenic Republic’s presence on the territory. To express our practical concern for this community, our concern for its present and future. I met the Rector of the University of Mariupol, a professor of Greek Studies, under completely different circumstances though, than when we met just ten months ago in Mariupol. A city that no longer exists. I expressed Greece’s readiness to support the promotion of Greek culture and the learning of the Greek language, to preserve this unique cradle. At this point, I would like to point out that President Zelenskyy thanked me for Greece’s active support for the candidacy of the Historic Centre of Odessa for inscription on the UNESCO World Heritage List. Diaspora Greeks have been present in Ukraine for centuries. They have suffered persecution and wars. But they have not been wiped out. And it is our duty to protect them as much we can.
Shortly afterwards, while walking along the street with my Ukrainian counterpart, we experienced unprecedented moments as we encountered a society trying to maintain some sense of normal life in the midst of war. My visit contained a series of messages to multiple recipients.
Firstly. I represented the European Union at a time when other European officials were cancelling their visits to Ukraine, by providing concrete support to a struggling Ukrainian society, by demonstrating on the ground, that we are not succumbing to intimidation and, finally, by promoting the values that we stand for as European societies: respect for International Law, for the freedom of peoples to decide for themselves on the present and future of their countries, for our absolute and unwavering position regarding defending the integrity of national borders, as established through international agreements – treaties. Having gained first-hand knowledge of what is going on, rather than just watching it on TV. Having formed an opinion, one addresses the Council with a different weight.
Threats of invasion, which have ceased to be threats in the case of Ukraine, are succeeding the practice of hybrid warfare. By any means, including the instrumentalisation of migration, and the cutting off of energy flows. The propaganda war and personal attacks against the leadership of our countries are part of hybrid warfare.
From Kyiv we have delivered a message that is hard to ignore. That is why Turkey was so frustrated. The message is simple. If these practices against Ukraine do not stop, other countries will follow suit. The most moving moment of my visit was when my Ukrainian counterpart repeated in front of the cameras the Greek Revolution symbol of ‘freedom or death’. This visit fulfilled its objectives. The Ukrainian side expressed its gratitude for our presence in Kyiv. And it is no coincidence that my counterparts, such as those from Lithuania and Germany, whom I met recently, expressed particular understanding of and support for the challenges our country faces.
For the first time in the history of Greece, a memorandum of understanding was signed in a shelter during an aerial bombing.
And another when we express them from a shelter in Kyiv.
Third. Bombed-out Kiev is, in a way, the ideal location to explain to the world community what we Greeks are going through. In my contacts with both my counterpart and President Zelenskyy, I became even more aware of the element of shared challenges. The two countries have large and aggressive neighbours to their east. Neighbours who claim that our territories were wrongfully carved out of empires of the past, the Russian and the Ottoman. For Greece’s and Ukraine’s eastern neighbours, borders do not exist. They are made up. They are directly challenged. Both Greece and Ukraine supposedly occupy “foreign territories”. Crimea, Donbass, the Aegean islands. Our countries should at best exercise reduced sovereignty over the territories through demilitarization. According to the revisionist narrative, our countries violate the rights of “national” minorities.
A few days ago, I visited Kyiv, on my third visit to Ukraine since the Russian invasion. I had already visited Odessa, the cradle of the Greek Revolution, twice. In Kyiv, next to the station we found ourselves in front of destroyed buildings that had been shelled the day before by Iranian drones. This was not the kind of scene one would expect to see in a European capital in 2022. Nor was the meeting at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs unaffected by the particular circumstances in the country. The sirens sounded and we went down to a shelter to continue our talks.
Greece today, at every opportunity, demonstrates that it is a factor of security and stability in its wider region, with enhanced prestige and international credibility.
The Turkish side has fully adopted Russian methods. It clearly points this out: “be careful unless you want to become like Ukraine”. In the face of this unprecedented challenge, we are responding; by internationalizing Turkish aggression to allies and partners; by building our alliances with our European partners, the US, the countries of our wider neighbourhood, as well as with emerging powers that embrace the same values, such as India and Japan; always respecting the fundamental principles of International Law and the European acquis. However, our words carry a different weight when we raise the challenges we face, in Athens, in Brussels, in Washington.
